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Narrativewatch: Mitt “I like to be able to fire people” Romney

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As I write, voting in the New Hampshire primary is still underway.   With hefty leads in the NH polls, Mitt Romney is the frontrunner in the state and for the Republican presidential nomination.  But Romney has handed his GOP opponents, and President Obama, a gilt-edged sword with his comment that:

“I like being able to fire people who provide services to me.”

His statement has now been widely translated to read:

“I like to be able to fire people.” 

A feeding frenzy has followed.

James Fallows explains why this is more than just another political gaffe.   

He was making a reasonable point about the need for choice and competition — just as [the Democrats’ 2004 presidential nominee] John Kerry was making a reasonable point about the different stages of the legislative process when he said “I actually voted for the $87 billion, before I voted against it.” It was completely “unfair” to use that line against Kerry, because if you stopped to listen to his reasoning, the phrase was merely one clumsy out-of-context portion of a larger “sensible” statement about how Congressional politics works. Exactly as with Romney and “firing.

But of course that clip hurt Kerry — in part because the Bush campaign team immediately rammed it home, and in part because it connected with an existing vulnerability or impression about Kerry. I think this moment from Romney may hurt him too, for all the “unfairness” of criticizing what he said,  because it touches something so emotional and raw.

Statements like this leave a deep imprint because of the way they make us feel about the politicians who have made them.  Fallows goes on:

[People] with any experience on either side of a firing know that, necessary as it might be, it is hard. Or it should be. It’s wrenching, it’s humiliating, it disrupts families, it creates shame and anger alike — notwithstanding the fact that often it absolutely has to happen. Anyone not troubled by the process — well, there is something wrong with that person. We might want such a person to do dirty work for us.  …  We might value him or her as a takeover specialist or at a private equity firm. But as someone we  trust, as a leader? No - not any more than you can trust a military leader who is not deeply troubled when his troops are killed.

Paul Krugman cites a more critical analysis of the original statement and suggests that it shows how wealthy Romney lacks a sense of empathy with ordinary Americans.

The clip of “I like to be able to fire people” will become an indispensable symbol for his opponents’ narrative about Romney, that he is a ruthless Wall Street wrecker.   The anecdote will be an essential episode in the Romney story.

This is not just an American phenomenon.  Gaffes and missteps have been grafted on to a number of British politicians’ personal narrarives.  Labour prime minister Jim Callaghan didn’t actually use the words “crisis? what crisis?” when he returned to strike-torn Britain from an overseas trip in January 1979.  But his measured comments and laid-back demeanor played into a growing sense that he was out of touch with the escalating industrial strife, now remembered as the “winter of discontent”.  Within a few months, Margaret Thatcher was prime minister.

The then Tory leader Iain Duncan Smith never recovered from his woeful declaration in 2003 that “the quiet man is turning up the volume”.  Neither, for that matter, did Sir Menzies Campbell after his faltering first Commons outing as acting Lib Dem leader in 2006.

Even in “buttoned down” Britain, negative emotions embed gaffes and missteps in our political folklore.   Remember the parliamentary expenses scandal? The insensitive way some MPs tried to explain away the moat and the duck house fuelled the public’s resentment. 

It’s all further proof that, whatever they may think, politicians cannot control their own narratives.

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Political storytellers to watch in 2012 (1): Barack Obama seeks re-election

Candidate Barack Obama was my political storyteller of the year back in 2008, my first year of blogging.  But President Barack Obama has been nowhere near as gifted a communicator and, with the American economy still spluttering and the Democratic base disillusioned, he faces a tough battle for re-election in November.   The election is still a long way off, but right now, the fractious and fragmented race for the Republican nomination candidates, the way it looks like a freakshow, and GOP activists’ reluctance to rally behind “moderate” contender Mitt Romney, seem to be Obama’s best hope. 

Last month, however, we saw the beginnings of what may be a viable narrative for his re-election campaign.  In Osawatomie, Kansas, Obama made a cogent case for an American progressivism that is anchored firmly in the political traditions of Theodore Roosevelt and FDR.   It’s meat and drink to liberals like me.  Still, we shouldn’t expect a replay of the uplifting “yes, we can” rhetoric of 2008.  As E.J. Dionne jr. has written in a provocative and incisive article, Obama will run this time as the “conservative” candidate, who is defending ordinary Americans from the “radical” Republicans and the risks they represent.  In 2008, Obama used a narrative that was all about hope.  This time, he will have to rely much more on fear.

Let’s see if he can make his romantic (neo-Roosevelt) and pragmatic (right-wing “enemy within”) narratives work together, as one compelling story.

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President Obama has an even more demanding challenge: his story will have to be plausible.  Back in 1980, an embattled Democratic president called Jimmy Carter warned voters of the risks to economic and national security posed by Ronald Reagan, the most right wing Republican nominee since Barry Goldwater’s disastrous candidacy sixteen years earlier.  By election day, however, Carter’s economic narrative – his story about his record  - had all but collapsed, as inflation ran at 15.5% and the prime interest rate stood at 21%.

On the eve of poll debate, Reagan asked his famous framing questions (“are you better off than you were four years ago … ?) and suddenly surged into the lead.  Carter was swept away in a landslide.  His efforts to frame the election as a choice between “full opportunity for all” and “the despair of millions who would struggle for a better life” rang hollow when the reality of Carter’s own record was so uninspiring. (1)

Obama won’t be facing Ronald Reagan or anyone like him this year. He is a much better president, politician and campaigner than Jimmy Carter.  Even so, what happened to Carter shows that Obama’s story about the economy must be founded on an economic recovery that looks, sounds and feels real to the American people.   If he fails the basic test of credibility, Carter’s fate will be his also.


(1) See Theodore H. White, America in Search of Itself: The Making of the President 1956-1980 (Jonathan Cape, 1983), Chapter 13. 

 

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Political storytellers to watch in 2012 (1): Barack Obama seeks re-election

Candidate Barack Obama was my political storyteller of the year back in 2008, my first year of blogging.  But President Barack Obama has been nowhere near as gifted a communicator and, with the American economy still spluttering and the Democratic base disillusioned, he faces a tough battle for re-election in November.   The election is still a long way off, but right now, the fractious and fragmented race for the Republican nomination candidates, the way it looks like a freakshow, and GOP activists’ reluctance to rally behind “moderate” contender Mitt Romney, seem to be Obama’s best hope. 

Last month, however, we saw the beginnings of what may be a viable narrative for his re-election campaign.  In Osawatomie, Kansas, Obama made a cogent case for an American progressivism that is anchored firmly in the political traditions of Theodore Roosevelt and FDR.   It’s meat and drink to liberals like me.  But we shouldn’t expect a replay of his uplifting “yes, we can” rhetoric of 2008.  As E.J. Dionne jr. has written in a provocative and incisive article, Obama will run this time as the “conservative” candidate, who is defending ordinary Americans from the “radical” Republicans and the risks they represent.  In 2008, Obama used a narrative that was all about hope.  This time, he will have to rely much more on fear.

Let’s see if he can make his romantic (neo-Roosevelt) and pragmatic (right-wing “enemy within”) narratives work together, as one compelling story.

http://images.politico.com/global/carter%20on%20time.jpg

President Obama has an even more demanding challenge: his story will have to be plausible.  Back in 1980, an embattled Democratic president called Jimmy Carter warned voters of the risks to economic and national security posed by Ronald Reagan, the most right wing Republican nominee since Barry Goldwater’s disastrous candidacy sixteen years earlier.  By election day, however, Carter’s economic narrative – his story about his record  - had all but collapsed, as inflation ran at 15.5% and the prime interest rate stood at 21%.

On the eve of poll debate, Reagan asked his famous framing questions (“are you better off than you were four years ago … ?) and suddenly surged into the lead.  Carter was swept away in a landslide.  His efforts to frame the election as a choice between “full opportunity for all” and “the despair of millions who would struggle for a better life” rang hollow when the reality of Carter’s own record was so uninspiring. (1)

Obama won’t be facing Ronald Reagan or anyone like him this year. He is a much better president, politician and campaigner than Jimmy Carter.  Even so, what happened to Carter shows that Obama’s story about the economy must be founded on an economic recovery that looks, sounds and feels real to the American people.   If he fails the basic test of credibility, Carter’s fate will be his also.


(1) See Theodore H. White, America in Search of Itself: The Making of the President 1956-1980 (Jonathan Cape, 1983), Chapter 13.